Atom Mkhitaryan has spent many years dealing with issues of Diaspora community organization, education, culture, and youth; he was the head of the RA Ministry of Diaspora's Pan-Armenian Programs Department. This essay highlights the establishment of a pan-Armenian - united approach to the Artsakh situation, which may then serve as a new calculating point for national consolidation.
From Armenia's independence until recently, the subject of support for Artsakh and recognition of the Republic of Artsakh has played a crucial part in the state's Homeland-Diaspora cooperation strategy. That persisted as long as our government pursued a coherent program in this approach. This field is now in disarray... The diaspora is unaware of Armenia's goals towards Artsakh, and the authorities in Artsakh attempt to operate freely within the limitations of their capabilities...
1988 is a crucial year because it represents our people's contemporary awakening, the battle for freedom and justice, the safeguarding of our rights, and our collective all-Armenian will and solidarity. It ensured our triumphs while also uniting all Armenians in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the Diaspora under a shared vision/goal. First and foremost, it was the acceptance of Artsakh's right to self-determination and independence, as well as the strengthening of Armenia.
Even today, the major methods to resolving the Artsakh crisis should be implemented not just in Armenia, but also in Artsakh and the Diaspora. What's more, Baku does not make any distinctions in this regard at all, and all of us together have been bestowed the designation of "one adversary for Azerbaijan".
The following are current approaches to the Artsakh situation that, in our opinion, might spark a new wave of pan-Armenian / Armenia-Artsakh-Diaspora/ consolidation.
A/ The first step should be our determination to reach an agreement via peaceful and courteous discussion.
Based on Soviet laws and international law, the Armenian people of Artsakh and Armenia requested the restoration of historical justice and the observance of fundamental human liberties 35 years ago. This has been our standard since the beginning of the Karabakh movement and has remained so throughout. The approaches of Baku, which relied on force thirty-five years ago and still does now, were diametrically opposed. Throughout the days of Artsakh's quest for independence, peaceful rallies and demands were met with Armenian pogroms, which were followed by war crimes.
Azerbaijan clearly embraced the strategy to de-Armenize Artsakh and seize it by force. If Azerbaijan persistently carried out a campaign of open depopulation of Nagorno Karabakh during the Soviet era, which Azerbaijani authorities even publicly boasted about, then it resorted to blatant ethnic cleansing during the war launched against Artsakh Armenians.
Azerbaijani barbarisms in the early years of the Karabakh movement, as well as in 2016 and 2020, leave little question that Artsakh's battle for rights and self-determination was legitimate both in the past and now.
B/ The second method to resolving the issue should be worldwide acknowledgement of Artsakh's right to self-determination. One of the key elements of settling the Karabakh conflict is the right of peoples to self-determination, together with the non-use or threat of force and territorial integrity. As a result, these three principles may be found in numerous comments by mediators, presidents of the Minsk Group co-chair nations, the OSCE, and papers from a variety of other international organizations.This scenario should serve as the foundation for the practical implementation of the right to self-determination by deciding Artsakh's final legal status, which should have worldwide legal validity. In other words, it is a requirement for Azerbaijan and is guaranteed by the world community.
C/ The next step is to ensure the safety of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. One of the international commitments is to provide people's security, and Artsakh has won this right by immense effort. The resolution should include specific guarantees for Artsakh's security.
Baku's militaristic rhetoric, Azerbaijan's leadership promoting Armenian enmity in society, new and emerging threats, and the embargo leading to a humanitarian catastrophe leave little doubt that the conflict cannot be deemed resolved in the absence of adequate security guarantees.
D/ The fourth approach refers to Armenia's responsible, consistent stages in the negotiation process, which may be accomplished via the efforts of a responsible and knowledgeable negotiating team. Also, representatives from the Artsakh Republic must be present.
I don't believe it's hard to anticipate how much work we'll have to put in in the future if we can't replace the negotiator on behalf of the Republic of Armenia, Artsakh, and the Diaspora, i.e. all Armenians.
E/ The last strategy is to raise international awareness of the rights of Artsakh and its people, in which the Diaspora plays an important role.
It is stated that "the obvious does not need to be proven," yet in some circumstances it must. Our Armenian brothers and sisters in the Diaspora are ready to continue their steady work in this respect. Yet, there is another crucial point that they always highlight. There are no signals from Armenia, no unified policy, and no clearly stated directives that should serve as a guide for Diaspora groups, important persons, and lobbying institutions.
Artsakh and the Artsakh Armenians remain the only guarantee for the safety of Armenians in the Diaspora and the growth of Armenian sovereignty 35 years after the Movement's inception. Artsakh is once again in the center of the current phase of the Pan-Armenian Congregation.
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